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Peking University Undergraduates,
  Negotiating with Media Globalization:
The Impact of China's Accession to the WTO on Its Media and Telecommunications Industries
  Neuroimaging studies of reading disability in Chinese children
  Random Geometric Graphs and Their Applications
  Paleoenvironmental Interpretation of the Olorgesailie Formation, Kenya Rift Valley
  A Study on the Collaborative Virtual
Geographic Environment (CVGE) for Simulating Air Pollution in Pearl River Delta (PRD) Region


China's media conglomerates have been using post-WTO competition to rhetorically justify their own market monopoly. Meanwhile, the party-state has been using the scare of foreign competition to organize media conglomerates as a way of furthering ideological and administrative control. The party-state shares overlapping goals with the press groups, and decides that press groups should be among "the first to get rich." In point of fact, foreign media competition seems a remote concern, even though the rhetoric may sound urgent.

Global media empires speak the language of capitalism, not the language of democracy. They have been waiting to enter the China market and seeking to ingratiate with the Chinese authoritarian regime. China has not been genuinely anxious about "cultural imperialism" of foreign media, but rather been more apprehensive about the latter's overt ideological challenge to the state power. Likewise, the Chinese media have spoken eagerly of the dream of "globalization" – "to be on the same international track (jiegu) " – rather than worrying about the risk of "cultural imperialism." They show an envy of foreign media giants' global reach, but do not intend to surrender their state-protected monopoly. In the name of foreign competition, they have tried to enlarge their conglomerate control, both in size and scope.

China's press conglomerates represent work as a clientelist network that engages in the party-market corporatist practices. Having interviewed approximately 100 media executives and journalists, we find that press conglomerates are more capable than ever of fixing the price and dictating the terms of circulation and advertising in a monopoly market. Monopoly has weakened market competition. Media conglomerates are forbidden to develop horizontal ties with other conglomerates. They owe loyalty exclusively and vertically to the Party authorities. Neither can the constituent members develop horizontal relationships within a media group; they only hold vertical ties with the parent company.


The research team and graduate students visited the Beijing Youth Daily and was warmly received by its president.

Shanghai – a big city, but a small place – wields a tight control over the media. They are affluent but most timid. Media competition is more open and vibrant in Guangzhou, where marketization means political management. Moreover, politics takes command in Beijing; many marketized media are considered politically peripheral but hope to achieve political status through success in market competition.

We have also examined the dominant (official) ideological discourses of the Global Times. We find that China's elite sees the globalizing context as the best opportunity for the nation to assert itself as a major power. Despite deep suspicion of the United States as a stumbling block to China's passage to world greatness, the media also caution that China must maintain a good relationship with the U.S. in order to realize its national aspirations.

Prof LEE Chin-chuan
Department of Media and Communication
City University of Hong Kong